A talk by Sister Dianna Ortiz has just been posted on the internet. It is a moving and compelling account on torture and how it can be overcome. Sister Ortiz relates her personal experiences and tell us that U.S. personnel were present in interrogation and torture rooms," in Guatemala in 1989 when she was kidnapped, taken to a secret prison and repeatedly raped and tortured by troops commanded by General Hector Gramajo (a CIA asset and graduate of the U.S. Army School of the Americas- see below). Speaktruth.org has this biographical information about Sr. Dianna Ortiz:

Dianna Ortiz has written a book: "The Blindfold's Eyes" is reviewed here on Salon.com. Sister Dianna Ortiz has testified last year for a mock trial of Bush administration officials for breaking laws on torture held during the "Call for Justice Weekend" in September. This is shown on Democracy Now!

You can find more information from Torture Abolition and Survivors Support Coalition International (TASSC)- a coalition Sr. Dianna Ortiz helped to set up.

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Postscript: General Héctor Gramajo (from Zmag)

One of the grandest of the Guatemalan killers, General Héctor Gramajo, was rewarded for his contributions to genocide in the highlands with a fellowship to Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government -- not unreasonably, given Kennedy's decisive contributions to the vocation of counterinsurgency (one of the technical terms for international terrorism conducted by the powerful). Cambridge dons will be relieved to learn that Harvard is no longer a dangerous center of subversion.

While earning his degree at Harvard, Gramajo gave an interview to the Harvard International Review in which he offered a more nuanced view of his own role. He took personal credit for the "70 percent-30 percent civil affairs program, used by the Guatemalan government during the 1980s to control people or organizations who disagreed with the government," outlining the doctrinal innovations he had introduced: "We have created a more humanitarian, less costly strategy, to be more compatible with the democratic system. We instituted civil affairs [in 1982] which provides development for 70 percent of the population, while we kill 30 percent. Before, the strategy was to kill 100 percent." This is a "more sophisticated means" than the previous crude assumption that you must "kill everyone to complete the job" of controlling dissent, he explained.

It is unfair, then, for journalist Alan Nairn, who had exposed the US origins of the Central American death squads, to describe Gramajo as "one of the most significant mass-murderers in the Western Hemisphere" as Gramajo was sued for horrendous crimes. We can also now appreciate why former CIA director William Colby, who had some firsthand experience with such matters in Vietnam, sent Gramajo a copy of his memoirs with the inscription: "To a colleague in the effort to find a strategy of counterinsurgency with decency and democracy," Washington-style.

Given his understanding of humanitarianism, decency, and democracy, it is not surprising that Gramajo appears to be the State Department's choice for the 1995 elections, according to the Guatemala Central America Report, citing Americas Watch on the Harvard fellowship as "the State Department's way of grooming Gramajo" for the job, and quoting a US Senate staffer who says: "He's definitely their boy down there." A "senior commander in the early 1980s, when the Guatemalan military was blamed for the deaths of tens of thousands of people, largely civilians," Gramajo "is seen as a moderate by the U.S. Embassy," Kenneth Freed reports, quoting a Western diplomat, and assuring us of Washington's "repugnance" at the actions of the security forces it supports and applauds. The Washington Post reports that many Guatemalan politicians expect Gramajo to win the elections, not an unlikely prospect if he's the State Department's boy down there. Gramajo's image is also being prettified. He offered the Post a sanitized version of his interview on the 70 percent-30 percent program: "The effort of the government was to be 70 percent in development and 30 percent in the war effort. I was not referring to the people, just the effort." Too bad he expressed himself so badly -- or better, so honestly -- before the Harvard grooming took effect.39 [more information from Zmag].

A clip from a documentary comparing the overthrow of Mosadek in Iran and Arbenz in Guatemala.

Where the Roads End is the story of two very different worlds that have lived together but separated since the days of the Conquest in Guatemala. At the beginning of the twentieth century, city resident and non-indigenous Doctor Raul Zamora goes on a trip to a remote town alongside Lake Atitlán where the two parallel worlds of the "indigenous" and the "ladino" converge. Zamora falls in love with Maria Xahil, an indigenous woman, provoking a controversy among both communities. The film is a panoramic vision of the abuse of power, repression and racism that characterizes this diverse society surrounded by the calm of nature. In a sense both Zamora and Maria suffer from the pressures of interracial relations. This is the first Guatemalan film to deal seriously with the issue of its interethnic relations.

This is a complete if low resolution copy of the film: