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When the Mountains Tremble (clip)

War on Democracy - Guate cut

Bilingual education in Guatemala

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View Article  Feedback From Inter-Parliamentary Union Trip To Guatemala
Wayne David MP, (PPS (Rt Hon Adam Ingram, Minister of State), Ministry of Defence, Caerphilly, Labour), has just made the following intervention in a Westminster Hall debate comparing the political situation in El Salvador and Guatemala. He headed up a delegation under the auspices of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).

He is markedly down beat about the political situation in Guatemala citing land evictions, violence against women and a weak criminal justice system. Sound familiar? It's interesting that he refers to a briefing from Amnesty International who have just released (18-07-2006) updated figures on the ever increasing violence against women in Guatemala.

Here's his contribution from TheyWorkForYou.com:

Photo of Wayne David Wayne David (PPS (Rt Hon Adam Ingram, Minister of State), Ministry of Defence, Caerphilly, Labour) | Hansard source

I shall also try to brief. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Cynon Valley (Ann Clwyd) on securing this debate and on her consistent work over many years. She has championed human rights even when it has not been popular to do so and when it has been at great cost to herself.

I want to refer briefly to a visit that I made to central America under the auspices of the Inter-Parliamentary Union when I led a delegation. It was a good example of the effective work that the IPU can do on the ground to serve human rights. That visit occurred in the early part of June to two countries in central America: Guatemala and El Salvador. Visiting two countries was a useful experience in itself because we could develop a regional perspective and we saw the contrast between two neighbouring countries in central America.

In El Salvador, we found a relatively stable, democratic process. The two parties, the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional and the ARENA party, which had been at war during the 1970s, 1980s and early part of the 1990s, were pursing a peaceful democratic process and had laid down their arms. The ARENA party was in government and the FMLN was in opposition, and we thought that there was genuine determination across the political spectrum to make the peace accords of the 1990s work effectively. Of course, we saw great problems in the country—land issues, high criminality and widespread poverty—but there was great optimism and that came across clearly from everyone we met.

To be blunt, the situation in Guatemala was quite different. The country was less prosperous with less business confidence, widespread corruption and high criminality, particularly from the "maras" gangs. It was pointed out that more people in Guatemala lose their lives through crime than died during the civil war of the 1980s and 1990s. Before we went to Guatemala, the delegation had graphic briefings from Amnesty International. Its two basic concerns were the ongoing land disputes and the high level of evictions. It was concerned about the human rights abuses and the way in which peasants and rural workers in particular were being treated.

Secondly, Amnesty International was concerned about the violence against women. I would like to read an excerpt from one of its reports that graphically shows the appalling situation in Guatemala. A mother, referring to her daughter, said:

"My 15-year-old daughter Maria Isabel was a student and worked in a shop in the holidays. On the night of 15 December 2001, she was kidnapped in the capital. Her body was found shortly before Christmas. She had been raped, her hands and feet had been tied with barbed wire, she had been stabbed and strangled and put in a bag. Her face was disfigured from being punched, her body was punctured with small holes, there was a rope around her neck and her nails were bent back. When her body was handed over to me, I threw myself to the ground shouting and crying but they kept on telling me not to get so worked up."

We had the opportunity to raise such issues when we were in Guatemala during a long discussion with President Oscar Berger. Naturally, his responses were unsatisfactory from our perspective. What came across clearly to us in Guatemala was that although the political will might have existed among decent people to get to grips with such problems, the political or civil infrastructure was not in place to do so. The police in Guatemala suffer from widespread corruption and the judiciary is both corrupt and inept. Many of the large property owners do not feel that they have a stake in the country; in fact, many live in Miami and visit the country only occasionally.

Above all else, we did not find the same commitment to democratic politics in Guatemala as we found in El Salvador. That is largely for historic reasons. During the civil war in El Salvador, it was recognised that neither side could win—neither the left nor the right, neither the FMLN nor the ARENA party. A historic compromise was therefore reached, with both sides laying down their arms and making a genuine commitment to the peace accords and the democratic process. That did not happen in Guatemala. There the army won, and democratic politics suffered as a consequence. What political parties exist in Guatemala have shallow roots. To build up respect for human rights and to crack down effectively on criminality, there is a need to enforce democracy and the political process. That is one of the lessons that we learned, and one aspect of our international work that we must continue to pursue.

In conclusion, the example of our visit to central America shows clearly the worth of the IPU. Parliamentary democracy has a central role to play in promoting human rights. The IPU, as the international manifestation of parliamentary democracy, therefore has a crucial role to play. One the of the most telling moments that I experienced in El Salvador was when one of the members of the assembly who belonged to the left-wing FMLN said to me, "Mr. David, at one time my colleague"—he pointed to a friend of his from the ARENA party—"and I were literally trying to kill each other in the civil war. Today, although we have political differences, we are nevertheless friends in the legislative assembly." That better than anything else illustrates the importance of parliamentary democracy and the work of the IPU.

View Article  Marlin Mine: A Summary Report On The Gold That Doesn't Glitter
Vincent Castagnino has written a report in Spanish on the Marlin Gold Mine in San Marcos, Guatemala -"Minería de metales y derechos humanos en Guatemala. La mina Marlin en San Marcos". The production and distribution of the report was supported by Peace Brigades International in Guatemala and financed by Trocaire in Ireland.

The report's 35 pages are a really good summing up of the historical background, legal context and ultimate effects of the establishment of the Marlin Mine by Canadian multinational Glamis Gold. Vincent Castagnino has interviewed many of the key players for this report, including: Monseñor Álvaro Rammazzini Imeri, Bishop of San Marcos, Jorge Antonio García Chiú, Vice Minister at the Ministry of Energy and Mines; and Magali Rey Rosa, from Colectivo Madre Selva.

Two key conclusions of the report are:

-to reform the law around mining, in particular the amount of money that comes back to the Guatemalan state (more than 1% of profits)
-that the affected local communities should be carefully consulted and given key decision making powers in such developments

For more information, there is also a really good recording in Canada of Juan Tema from Sipakapa speaking at an event in May 2006 organised by Maritimes-Guatemala Breaking the Silence Network.

Below is a map from Colectivo MadreSelva showing mining developments and areas of poverty in Guatemala.



Zones of poverty in Guatemala and the mining concessions (2004)
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