LAS ORGANIZACIONES SOCIALES Y DE DERECHOS HUMANOS ABAJO FIRMANTES, ANTE LOS HECHOS QUE EVIDENCIAN LAS ESTRUCTURAS ILEGALES DENTRO DEL SISTEMA DE SEGURIDAD EN GUATEMALA, MANIFESTAMOS:

1.    No es ningún secreto el funcionamiento de aparatos clandestinos de seguridad que operan directamente vinculados al sistema de seguridad en Guatemala fortalecidos ante la falta de depuración en la Policía Nacional Civil (PNC) y el Ejército.

2.    Lo aparentemente novedoso es que dichos aparatos actúan en el esquema funcional y orgánico de tales instituciones, con el conocimiento, consentimiento y el amparo del gabinete de seguridad, integrado por los ministerios de Gobernación y Defensa, así como por la PNC.

3.    Este extremo ha sido del conocimiento de diputados, exfuncionarios y precandidatos como Otto Pérez Molina y Alejandro Giammatei, quienes durante su desempeño guardaron silencio cómplice al respecto, mientras que ahora hacen denuncias públicas con fines electoreros.

4.    Las estructuras clandestinas develadas durante el proceso de investigación del asesinato de diputados salvadoreños y la ejecución de los sospechosos de este hecho, han operado también en ejecuciones extrajudiciales de jóvenes, mujeres y en ataques y agresiones contra defensores y defensoras de Derechos Humanos.

5.    La situación de crisis en el ámbito de la estructura responsable de la seguridad ciudadana demanda medidas excepcionales y un acuerdo nacional que involucre a todos y cada uno de los sectores del país, comprometidos con la construcción de una sociedad democrática.

POR LO ANTERIORMENTE EXPUESTO:

1.    Demandamos al presidente de la República, Oscar Rafael Berger, asumir plenamente, aunque sea en los últimos meses, su función como mandatario y que enfrente la grave situación de seguridad que vive el país.

2.    Exigimos a las autoridades de justicia designar una fiscalía especial propuesta por una comisión de personas notables, libres de toda sospecha, para que investigue y persiga plenamente a las estructuras señaladas y a las todavía ocultas.

3.    En dicho proceso, investigar a profundidad el origen de las informaciones así como las fuentes que alimentan las versiones presentadas por exfuncionarios del actual gobierno.

4.    Al Fiscal General, actuar de inmediato para impedir que la eventual renuncia del titular de Gobernación, Carlos Vielman o el Director de la PNC, Edwin Sperinsen, facilite que los mismos evadan la acción de la ley por la responsabilidad en los graves hechos denunciados y el funcionamiento de las estructuras reveladas.

5.    Convocamos a todas las organizaciones sociales, de pueblos indígenas, de jóvenes, de lso derechos de las mujeres, pro justicia, de Derechos Humanos, partidos políticos, dirigentes religiosos, medios de comunicación y empresarios, a un proceso para analizar la crisis que representa el avance del crimen organizado dentro de las estructuras de estado, a fin de encontrar una salida nacional que permita enfrentar este fenómeno para recuperar lainstitucionaldad del Estado.

Guatemala 28 de febrero de 2007


Centro de Investigaciones Internacionales en Derechos Humanos (CIIDH)
Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos (CALDH)
Colectivo de Organizaciones Sociales (COS)
Comisión de Derechos Humanos de Guatemala (CDHG)
Foro Ecuménico por la Paz y la Reconciliación (FEPAZ)
Instituto de Estudios Comparados en Ciencias Penales de Guatemala (ICCPG)
Movimiento por los Derechos Humanos de Guatemala
Sector de Mujeres de la Sociedad Civil
Seguridad en Democracia (SEDEM)

Just when you thought you were beginning to get the most basic grasp of life in Guatemala - something happens to prove you know nothing. I have to admit to never hearing about the danger of a massive sinkhole appearing in Guatemala City. Photos on the net leave your jaw dropping. You can see the location in Flash Earth - or if you have Google Earth installed you can see it here. Below you can see how close the sinkhole is to the centre of Guatemala City:


Fingers are starting to be pointed in various directions. In the coming days hopefully we'll start to get convincing explanations for why this has happened; and what risk there is of this happening elsewhere. Two people have already been killed, let's hope there won't be more.

This from Associated Press via The Guardian:

Cerigua reported that the Human Rights Ombudsmen would be looking into complaints from the local community about how seriously the Guatemalan municipality took their repeated reports (see this in La Hora from June 2006) of tremors long before the sinkhole appeared:

Update 25-02-07

The total of deaths is now confirmed as three [more from AP via the Guardian]. There are more details in the Guatemalan press, including reports from Prensa Libre that illegal drains may have been an aggravating factor, and that tremors and loud noises continue to be felt and heard. This from Siglo XXI:
   
Here is a brief clip of the sinkhole thanks to Polish television news (TVP). And another longer one here from AgnostikTV. And another even longer clip from Sirmorles. Here's a Guatemalan television report via krls666.

The recent case of the open assassination of three prominent Salvadoran politicians and their driver in Guatemala provides a dramatic snapshot. It's shone a light on the criminal justice system in Guatemala; and the state of relations between El Salvador and Guatemala.

Eduardo D'Abuisson, William Pichinte and Ramon Gonzalez were leading members of El Salvador's ruling party, ARENA (Nationalist Republican Alliance). They represented El Salvador at the Central American Parliament, which is based in Guatemala City.

It's mind blowing that those planning to assassinate three prominent politicians should do it in a vehicle fitted with equipment that allows it to be tracked by GPS. But why? Stupidity or fearless impunity?

Associated Press reported:

Reuters reported:

Great, an open and shut case. But hang on, not so fast. Reading the Guatemalan press, for instance in El Periodico, you can read comments from readers which offer another perspective. One reader of El Periodico posted the following comment on the paper's website:

For the Guatemalan authorities to have arrested and implicated such high ranking police officials in this crime so rapidly makes this case stand out. It seems to suggest that 'miracles' can be achieved if the external pressure is sufficiently strong. And given the fact that the victims in this case just happened to be members of El Salvador's governing party, there is certainly significant pressure. El Diario de Hoy in El Salvador leads the charge:

Why the need for external involvement? There's also the possibility of getting the FBI involved- not to everyone's liking. Theories explaining the crime abound- but most suspect the illicit trade in narcotics.


Background

Who was the father of assassinated Eduardo D'Aubuisson? According to a report by Amnesty International into death squads in El Salvador in 1996:

It's worth checking out the bio of Guatemala's top police chief Erwin Sperisen published on Policia Nacional Civil's website whose heading this investigation. According to the website, it's a pretty meteoric rise for Sperisen (just four years experience in local government prior to landing the top police job).

Update (25-02-07)

Quotes from Siglo XXI:

Update (26-02-07)

In a dramatic twist to this news story it's emerged that the four policemen arrested for murders of the Salvadoran politicians have been murdered themselves in the prison where they were being detained. This from AP via the Guardian:


Prensa Libre reported on the possible reasons for this. According a member of the Marasalvatrucha from the prison in Cuilapa:

According to a lawyer for the policemen:


But it won't be long until the conspiracy theories start surfacing- the Prensa Libre article ends- pointing out that now the policemen are dead the whole legal case that threatened to unearth shady goings on in the Guatemalan police is brought to a halt.

There's an interesting 15 minute interview with Dawn Paley on the Rabble Podcast Network reporting on the violent evictions that took place on land controversially owned by Canadian mining company Skye Resources. The interview gives a good overview of the current situation in Izabal, Guatemala at present.

In a recent open letter (posted on Upside Down World) to Ian Austin, Skye Resources CEO, Dawn Paley made the following two points:


As yet no response has been posted on the Skye Resources website to these latest open letters from Dawn Paley and Victoria Henderson.

Background

Dawn Paley, an independent journalist was in Izabal, with the photographer James Rodriguez and film maker Steven Schnoor during the forced evictions in early January. You can read more on Dawn's blog 'Reporter Zero', James' blog 'Mi Mundo' and watch Steven Schnoor's video of the evictions.

Cerigua have just (22-02-07) posted a report: "Campesinos/tierras: Narran historia de desalojo"


You can find other related links on the mining issue in Guatemala here. Mining is an issue that we've covered on a regular basis on this blog.

Post by Jordan Buckley

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Friends, Family and Allies,

One of the lawyers working on the national Guatemalan genocide case was recently kidnapped, while other members of the legal team have received a written threat, been tailed by unknown men and incurred other forms of grave intimidation; I typically only send out updates every two months, but I hope you will agree that these alarming circumstances require this plea for your urgent solidarity!

As many know, I am working as an accompanier to the Association for Justice & Reconciliation (AJR), a coalition of Maya survivors volunteering to be witnesses in the national genocide case. It is hoped that by placing international observers in the communities where AJR members live, the threat posed to them is reduced - namely because if anything happens to them, our friends, family and allies (this is you!) will rise up in outrage and demand justice of the Guatemalan authorities.

Please pardon the slight delay in relaying this information; I wanted to hear directly from the aforementioned legal team, the Center for Legal Action in Human Rights (CALDH), before writing you all.

On Feb. 2, Otto Navarro, a CALDH lawyer, found the tire of his car slashed. Later that day, Josè Roberto Morales, CALDH’s indigenous rights coordinator, was kidnapped by two armed men in a carjacking in front of his house. They released him in another neigborhood, telling him that if he activated the vehicle’s alarm they would return to his home and murder him. His vehicle was later found with all of his belongings (including a laptop computer) seemingly untouched.

Between Feb. 3-5, the offices of three other human rights organizations were broken into: their files were searched, and computers and film equipment were stolen. On Feb. 5, as members of these groups waited for the authorities to arrive, a red Toyota Corolla drove by and filmed the group.

Also on Feb. 5, a note was left on the windshield of CALDH lawyer Angèlica Gonzàlez, saying:


According to CALDH, these threats spring directly from their pursuit of the genocide case. The most important figure that the AJR and CALDH seek to charge with genocide, Efraìn Rìos Montt (who ruled over the killing of some 70,000 predominately Maya people during the 1980s), announced on Jan. 17 his plan for this year’s elections:


The threats to CALDH and Rìos Montt’s political ambitions are hardly a casual
coincidence.

On Feb. 7 - as had been planned before the intriguingly-timed threats and kidnapping- CALDH & the AJR presented a formal complaint to the courts, voicing their discontent with the Attorney General’s unwillingness to advance the genocide case past the investigative stage, where it has stalled since its original filing in 2001. CALDH & the AJR also requested that the judge proceed with collecting Ríos Montt’s initial statement in order to formally accuse him of genocide against the Maya Ixil people.

If the judge does not act, Rìos Montt may quite feasibly become the head of Congress in November, dramatically complicating any attempts to hold him accountable for his horrific crimes.

One of the most potent weapons we, individuals who believe in justice and universal human dignity, possess is the ability to exert pressure on the authorities to confront Guatemala’s recent, yet unpunished genocide.

As the AJR, the indigenous survivors of the genocide, and the CALDH legal team,
their allies in struggle, are literally placing their lives on the line to demand justice, I would ask that you please devote a single minute of your time (or less) to send an e-mail via NISGUA to the Guatemalan authorities urging them to advance the genocide case.

Or, better yet, challenge yourself and those you love to craft a creative act of resistance to Guatemalan authorities’ refusal to address the state-led campaign which killed upwards of 200,000 people largely during my (and perhaps your) lifetime…send them a drawing, a poem, a photograph - however you feel most able to express whatever repugnance or pain or fury their inaction and indifference might generate within you.

Mailing addresses for the authorities, as well as more information about the kidnapping, threats and genocide case, can be found here at NISGUA.

Background

See our post tracking the development of the above mentioned urgent action.

We've just received this news about the decision by Concepción Tutuapa, San Marcos, to deny the granting of a license for exploration with a view to developing a mine for metals in the area:


The Comité Medio Ambiente of the municipality of Concepción Tutuapa, San Marcos, put together the following press release:

Here is the second half of Elias Lawless's interview with Antonio Caba of the Association for Justice and Reconciliation for WireTap Magazine. For an intro and call to action see the original article [part one and part two].

WireTap: Who is the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR), and what are its objectives in fighting?

Antonio Caba: Well, we who became the Association for Justice and Reconciliation, after all that, had no idea how to struggle or continue on. But we knew what we would become. There was no one on our side, but after a little while we came to know how to organize, how to fight.

Then came the exhumation in Ilom (Antonio's village), then came CALDH (Center for Legal Action in Human Rights). I think it was 1998 or 1999. We met there and they asked me questions such as what the massacre was like, how the army arrived. I told them all about the situation that happened here in the community.

Later, we arrived at an agreement among various communities: Baja Verapaz, Alta Verapaz, Chimaltenango, Quiche, Huehuetenango, the Ixcan region. So it was from there that we came to know one another: other people from places where the same situation occurred. There we decided to found what became the AJR, that it was necessary to form a coalition that would be called the Association for Justice and Reconciliation, that we as survivors must demand justice for all the deaths we had seen. "We have to demand justice so that there may be justice," we said.

Well, that was an interest of ours, that the high military commands be tried for their crimes of genocide against the Maya peoples. As far as those of us in the Ixil region, we are the Ixil Maya -- people that were affected, were massacred, had our rights violated. For all those reasons the AJR was sprouted.

WT: What is Efrain Rios Montt's significance in this struggle?

AC: Rios Montt, as we have always mentioned, is a sickness for us. He is a disease that is very infectious for Guatemala because he has committed those grave errors, those tremendous crimes against the Maya peoples. And not only Rios Montt but also his high military command as well as Lucas Garcia (Guatemalan dictator from 1978-1982) and his high military command -- they are the ones who committed these offenses of genocide, so Rios Montt is an illness here in Guatemala on account of being a genocidio, a murderer, a criminal.

And we have discussed with many companions that if it were us, the Maya, who were guilty of genocide what would they, the authorities, do? Rapidly they would place us in prison, if we were the guilty ones. But since Rios Montt has money -- he has funds and he also has his power and they help him -- he intimidates the authorities, or it could be that he convinces them with money. For that reason we have seen that there exists much backwardness in the pursuit of justice here in Guatemala.

Because Rios Montt, living as a criminal, he walks around freely! And he should be already imprisoned. He should not still be on the loose. He should not still be appearing on television, appearing in the media and saying this or that. Rios Montt should already be in prison for the crimes he has committed, like those against the children in the Santa Delfina plantation, no? He was the government at that time, so he should have dispatched doctors for the children that died. So, what happened? It didn't bother him that children died. It did not matter to him.

Rios Montt delights in the impunity, and it is not only Rios Montt who is the wound for Guatemala, but also the authorities that presently do not act to judge this genocidio. Therefore, Rios Montt is the wound and also the authorities are the wound because they do not enforce the law.

WT: Can you discuss Rios Montt's plan, and accordingly the strategy of the Guatemalan Republican Front (FRG), regarding compensation payments to former Self Defense Civil Patrollers (ex-PAC)?

AC: Rios Montt is always very crafty in his form, and he has always tried to conquer the people. Because if you remember the past, of what has been called Black Thursday, Rios Montt displayed his style of being on Black Thursday when he forcibly inscribed [as presidential candidate]. He revealed his nature on this day because all of his supporters wore masks, wielded sticks and carried guns violently. But who planned it? Rios Montt planned it! It was in this form that he also planned the massacres in the communities.

The Guatemalan authorities should act and not allow him to participate in elections. Not as a candidate for president, nor Congress, nor anything. Rios Montt has demonstrated his style before Guatemala and before the entire world. Rios Montt is a genocidio.

Rios Montt has always found support in the Quiche department. Do you know why people vote for him? They know he is a genocidio and that if he does not win perhaps 1982 might return again. So, for fear, the people vote to not re-experience the past.

The ex-PAC payments were planned by Rios Montt in order to not lose his power. First, a general began to convince people to attend protests under Portillo, but it was all already planned out. Portillo approved. We saw that it was not to lose his power, his party. Why do I say that? Because only his supporters received the payment. And those former patrollers affiliated with another party? They gave them nothing.

It is better to send more money to reparations for victims because there are people who lost their houses, lost their family members. Clearly former patrollers have a right because they were obligated to patrol. Well, since we know the military has grand quantities of money allocated from the government, this is what we should reduce and use to pay former patrollers. Because it was the military that forced them into patrols. And money received from other countries should not be given to ex-PACs but as reparations for victims.

Because what function, what benefit does the military bring? What the military brings us is poverty. The world knows that Guatemala is poor, but why? The military has brought the poverty. The weapons have brought the poverty. And who are the richest? The military, the generals. And the guerrilla? I have never heard of a guerrilla fighter who is also a millionaire.

WT: What should the international community do to support the struggle of the AJR and survivors in general?

AC: What they should do, or what we have always requested, and what I have asked for as AJR's president is that they pressure Guatemalan authorities to take these genocidios to a tribunal. And if they, these authorities, do not want to do it, do not attempt to do it, nor even wish to try these criminals, then what I would ask is that it would be good to extradite Rios Montt so that he may be judged in another country.

That is one thing, but also if there is no justice in Guatemala, then it would be good that Guatemalan authorities be tried as well. Because to me it would be proper that they be judged first -- before the genocidios -- because they are guilty, the Guatemalan authorities, of why these genocidios have not been tried, why they are not imprisoned.

And why do I tell you that? Because the authorities, we entrust them. For that reason they are there, to try these genocidios, to judge those who commit crimes. And another thing, we pay taxes, and these authorities are who we fund, so they must comply with their obligations, no?

Living and writing now in London, I guess I'm more keenly aware than ever that when you mention Guatemala here to my fellow Londinenses, the image they hold is either one of dazzling touristic colour or of chilling darkness*. In short, the image of Guatemala here in the UK is too simplistic. Guatemala's portrayal by the media is generally to shock or to enchant. And that, all too often leaves too little room for the real Guatemala to shine through and reach us outsiders so far removed from the Guatemalan reality.

When I stumbled upon this article in Albedrio, 'Un documental sobre Guatemala nominado al Oscar', I was struck by how rarely this issue of how Guatemala is portrayed abroad is discussed by us outsiders. This article was part of a call to action by the Frente Nacional de Lucha por la Defensa de los Servicios Públicos y los Recursos Naturales. It remarks on the fact that many films (La Hija del Puma, El Silencio de Neto, Las Estrellas de la Línea, Las Cruces, Poblado Próximo and Vida Reciclada) that have had a certain amount of critical success outside of Guatemala, share one thing in common: their exposure of the sad, tragic and bitter side of Guatemala.

There was one line in particular though that took me back to an experience I had several years ago during a presentation about Guatemala I was part of in Paris.

Those words, 'brillamos afuera por nuestras desgracias adentro' ('we shine abroad as a result of our misfortune at home'), took me straight back in time to a moment of insight into this issue. The team I was part of that worked in Guatemala had been asked to do a presentation of our work (in the field of education) in Guatemala at an international conference in Paris. In particular, we'd been asked to explain and introduce the Guatemalan context of that work.

My colleagues were a mixture of Guatemalans and Europeans and as soon as we'd embarked on writing this presentation we realised what different approaches we had. What I found hard to understand was the reluctance on the part of my Guatemalan colleagues to enter into any detail about the civil conflict. The plight of many of the families we worked with to gain access to education had in some way been affected by the civil conflict, and rooted in my outsiders' logic it seemed imperative to explain this link in our presentation. My Guatemalan colleagues disagreed and thought that the civil war did not need to be explained in any depth.

It wasn't until the day of the presentation in Paris that I finally understood. When the talk turned to the reasons why some families found themselves excluded from the world of education, my Guatemalan colleague slowed. As she spoke the carefully thought out words that explained the legacy of those days of violence and insecurity, her whole manner changed, her voice slowed and became charged the emotion. The room hang on every word my colleague said. But the most important thing I learnt that day was that when it comes to the rawest of human experiences, the power and the importance is not in what you say, it is in what you don't say.

Sometimes so raw is the experience, so dramatic the misfortune, so grave the injustice that it can blind the outsider to the actual people who've had the experience, misfortune and injustice happen to them. We see only the misfortune, not the people living with the misfortune.

This brings me back to the simplistic image many of us outsiders have of Guatemala. If we want to break this bi-focal vision of Guatemala (of shock or enchantment) on the outside, it's time that we understood that silence is not always a space to be filled- it's a space that, given a chance to grow, can develop our mutual respect and understanding.

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Examples

To demonstrate this bi-focal vision of Guatemala- it's sufficient to do a Google Image search to find the 'enchanting'. While for the images offering 'shock', the photo on feminicide by Argentinian, Walter Astrada, that's just won first prize in 'Contemporary Issues' in this year's World Press Photo competition is a good example.

Joanna Wetherborn in Albedrio in association with Inforpress has just reported (09-02-07) on the refusal by a local community in Alta Verapaz to allow British oil extraction firm Petrolatina (previously called Taghmen) to drill on land corresponding to it.


According to Petrolatina's own website: "Following the completion of all necessary central Government approvals and consents to start work on Licence A7-2005 generally, the Municipality of Coban refused consent for access to the Tortugas area of the licence. The Company has therefore declared force majeure and all operations have been suspended on the licence, with the exception of those related to Atzam-2." (from press release 10-01-2007)

Petrolatina is determined to overturn this obstacle and rather ominously is talking in terms of 'when' rather than 'if' on its website: "Following the lifting of the force majeure at a future date following the resolution of the existing issues, the Company will complete the work over of two wells on the Tortugas salt dome and shoot 437 kilometres of 2D seismic."

This is a massive topic and will surely be an expanding post of the coming days. It's that topic of globalisation- that phenomenon that means someone in London can write about Guatemala and be read by people in Singapore, etc. When reports surfaced in January of a sharp rise in the price of maize in Guatemala, some were connecting this to the increase in ethanol production in the US.

El Siglo XXI wrote on (11-01-2007):


Inforpress also picked up on the story about, "the rising grain prices resulting from America's growing appetite for ethanol as an alternative to fossil fuel. Of course, this was a massive story across the border in Mexico where, exacerbated by a lack of a competitive domestic market in maize products, prices in corn rose steeply. The price of tortillas rose by nearly a third in three weeks".
But how has this price rise happened in Guatemala? And how do things bode for the future? Well, according to the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation's Food Outlook:
















The recent trend is for the price of maize to rise. And what does the FAO put this down to?

The FAO continues:


This story of the rising price of Guatemala's most important foodstuff, kept coming back to oil. Oil before food, surely not?

The Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET) summarised the situation as follows: "The price of white maize is increasing due to the international price increase of yellow maize caused by the increased demand for the grain for ethanol production in the U.S.A.  It is expected that this increase will be for a limited time, and that prices for February and March national harvests will be lower." They conclude that generally the food security situation in the short term remains stable.

But what's the context here? According to a recent report on the maize problem in Guatemala, Propuesta para la Reactivación de la Cadena Agroalimentaria del Maíz Blanco y Amarillo by Mario Roberto Fuentes López, Jacob van Etten, José Luis Vivero Pol and Álvaro Ortega Aparicio, the situation is critical. Maize production in Guatemala is increasing but demand has steadily outstripped demand in the last decade and a half- a gap which has been bridged increasingly by importing maize from abroad (particularly from the US). 

For some this policy of importation threatens Guatemala's ability to produce the food it requires so that none go hungry and go back to being self-sufficient as it was in the 1970s. Less reliance on imports would take the pressure off to devalue and cushion Guatemalans (remember we're talking about a vital foodstuff) from the vagaries of the global markets subject to speculation.

It's also impossible to ignore the fact that a huge amount of Guatemalans produce maize for their own consumption. So while maize production only comes in as 1% of Guatemala's GDP, economists tempted to belittle maize's economic importance should also consider the social significance of the statistic that two thirds of the agricultural land in Guatemala is used for maize production. As Susana Gauster of CONGECOOP, puts it we should be:


Gauster makes the point that this trend to use more and more maize in the production of ethanol is putting pressure on food prices in countries like Guatemala. But what has this got to do with chickens? Well, this brings us to the supporters of maize importation in Guatemala. Who are they? Amongst others they are pork and particularly chicken producers who depend on a ready supply of yellow maize (they can't use white maize as it lacks the necessary carotenoides). For these producers it's more convenient to import yellow maize- it's a stable supply so why bother in investing in boosting a comparitively riskier domestic supply?

When the U.S. Department of Agriculture announced that it would donate 18,000 metric tons of yellow corn to the Guatemalan Government in September 2006, this dumping undoubtedly favoured the chicken producers of Guatemala. According to Susana Gauster:


Politically it's easy to see why a unified enormously powerful chicken producer has more influence over the Guatemalan Government than the unorganised small and numerous maize sector. This lack of sectoral organisation for maize producers is in no small way down to the bitter civil war fought in many of the high maize producing areas of Guatemala.

This is of course an incredibly complex situation- way beyond this short post. But the challenge for Guatemala is to start investing in its many domestic producers of maize. With CAFTA-DR gradually lowering the barrier to imports over the next nine years- this investment imperative will only become more and more vital.

According to White House spokesman Tony Snow US President George Bush will visit Guatemala in March as part of a 'charm offensive' in Latin America. President and Mrs. Bush will travel to Brazil, Uruguay, Colombia, Guatemala, and Mexico from March 8 - 14, 2007. Perhaps it's no surprise that Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua, will not be graced with the US President's presence on this rare trip to Latin America.

This from Prensa Libre as rumours of a likely trip by Bush surfaced yesterday in Uruguay:


We'll be keeping an eye on the build up to this trip as Washington watchers (both critics and cheerleaders) turn their attention to Guatemala-US relations.

Update (09-02-2007)

There's an interesting lead in article on BBC Mundo on possible themes for Bush's trip and speculation on why certain countries are not on the list (thanks for the link Gillian).

Today Prensa Libre quotes a source from the Ministry of Foreign Relations on why Bush is coming to Guatemala:

Update (13-02-2007)

Bush is now scheduled to be in Guatemala 10th-11th March. It appears he'll be doing walkabouts in Chimaltenango. This may be for practical reasons: Chimal is close to the capital. But it seems it ticks other boxes: finqueros who want US investment via DR-CAFTA; and activity by US troops in the Nuevos Horizontes programme.

Post by Rosemary Burnett

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Photo: Rosemary Burnett

Don Pedro stands stiffly to attention outside his makeshift tented house, a survivor of the mudslide which engulfed the small community of Panabaj in Guatemala in October 2005. In a way, he was one of the lucky ones - only one of his five children perished in the wave of mud and boulders which buried some 600 people as they slept. Sadly, his thirteen year old son ran back to get his savings of £4 and was swept into a partly excavated septic tank and buried alive.

Others lost 11 or 12 members of their family and are standing at the edge of the exhumation site looking to see whether their loved ones will be identified amongst the bodies being unearthed. Clothes and possessions are unearthed by the giant excavating machines, then gathered by relatives to be buried with their former owners. Particularly sad are the elderly, who wonder why they survived when their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren perished.

Initially it was estimated that 1400 were missing, but this was later reassessed at 600 as survivors reappeared and today it is reckoned that about 150 people are still buried beneath 4 metres of mud. The mudslide hit in the middle of the night, and the forensic archaeologists are finding family groups huddled together. Detailed records are taken from the survivors of distinguishing characteristics of a missing loved one – perhaps a gold tooth, or a leg broken in infancy. The landscape has changed so much – what was once a pleasant wooded valley has become a desert of mud and rocks so that orientation of the houses is difficult and the relatives are often unable to give clear directions as to the distances between them. In the confusion of that night, it is sometimes hard to remember which child was sleeping where. Sometimes a child is found swept downstream and far from his or her own home.

Visitors from overseas can see at a glance that donations from overseas have provided all sorts of emergency necessities for the survivors. Oxfam’s logo is prominently displayed on the latrines and the European Union’s stars are stuck to water tanks. Houses are made of crude wooden frames whose walls are made up of fabric with the legend “A gift from the people of the United States of America”. But the fact remains that more than a year after the event, people are still living in temporary accommodation, though infrastructure such as roads and bridges have been repaired.

Yet after Hurricane Stan, money poured in to Guatemala, most notably from the Spanish government. Why are people still living in temporary shelters? The government have actually built new breeze block homes, but they have built them on land which was subjected to a similar mud slide in the 1950s. Families want to live somewhere safe where a tidal wave of mud will not carry away their loved ones.

Just after I left Panabaj, on 8^th January, 38 bodies were buried. The Mayan people have a remarkable resilience when it comes to dealing with death. They believe that the spirits of their dead will watch over them and give them guidance in their lives. It is important to maintain a dialogue with the departed, and every Monday families go to the graveyard to light candles and honour the spirits of their ancestors. At least now, the families of the 38 victims will have a grave to visit.

Update (16-02-2007)

This from CERIGUA:

Update (26-02-2007)

This from Siglo XXI which says according to NGO Accion Ciudadana, the Guatemalan government hasn't finished any housing for families affected by Stan- with 80% of the affected families still living in temporary accommodation:

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This article was originally printed in The Big Issue Scotland

We've just (05-02-2007) received the following statement from CALDH. Once we have it in English we'll post/link to it here. It's now in English on Amnesty's website.

Update (09-02-2007)

Since 09-02-2007 Amnesty have posted an urgent action summing up the recent spate of attacks on human rights defenders in the last month- currently in Spanish. "Guatemala: Ola de ataques contra activistas de derechos humanos en el 2007 requiere investigación inmediata"

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HOSTIGAMIENTO A ORGANIZACIONES DE DERECHOS HUMANOS

Nuevamente, en Guatemala las organizaciones de derechos humanos se ven amenazadas y atacadas por cuerpos ilegales que pretenden intimidarlas en su accionar. En esta ocasión fueron allanadas las oficinas donde se encuentra  el Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos (MNDH) y la Unidad de protección a Defensores y Defensoras de derechos humanos; además de la Asociación Comunicarte.

Asimismo, el viernes al medio día, CALDH fue objeto de dos actos de intimidación. Hombres armados robaron un vehículo de la institución, secuestrando por minutos al compañero que lo manejaba, lo amenazaron de muerte y lo dejaron cerca de un barranco, llevándose además del vehículo, una computadora portátil y documentos, todas las cosas aparecieron intactas, por lo que podemos aseverar que no se trató de un acto de delincuencia común. Paralelo a este hecho y en otro lugar, a uno de nuestros asesores legales le destruyeron, con una navaja,  una de las llantas de su vehículo personal, en un parqueo que contaba con guardias de seguridad privada. Todas estas acciones se vienen a sumar a las agresiones que desde septiembre vienen sufriendo diversos compañeros y compañeras del ECAP y que se incrementaron desde el 10 de enero recién pasado y que ya han sido denunciadas.

Estos hechos no pueden verse de manera aislada. Las organizaciones atacadas trabajan activamente por la verdad y la justicia en el país. Por un lado atacan a CALDH, que lucha contra la impunidad, particularmente en los casos por genocidio en Guatemala; COMUNICARTE, que es una asociación que ha documentado y difundido visualmente hechos vinculados a graves violaciones ocurridas durante el conflicto armado, y quienes además cuentan con archivos históricos; el MNDH que cuenta con registro de organizaciones de ddhh del país; y la Unidad de Defensores y Defensoras,  que lleva un registro de los ataques perpetrados en contra de defensores y defensoras. Estos actos no son coincidencia. La lucha por la justicia en crímenes del pasado y la denuncia constante de violaciones a derechos humanos en la actualidad, son razones para aseverar que estos hechos son políticos y pretenden intimidar y frenar las acciones que estas organizaciones realizan.

Exigimos al Ministerio Publico investigar estos hechos y al Gobierno garantizar la vida y la seguridad de quienes defienden, protegen y promueven los derechos humanos en Guatemala.
Update (08-02-2007) - Now in English thanks to Nisgua

Guatemala: Acción Urgente
Temor por la seguridad / Amenazas, Secuestro y Allanamiento
Guatemala: Acción Urgente
Fecha de emisión: 8 de febrero de 2007

Temor por la seguridad / Amenazas, Secuestro y Allanamiento

Testigos en casos nacionales e internacionales por genocidio
Personal del Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos – CALDH
Miembros de la Unidad de Protección de Defensoras y Defensores de Derechos Humanos – UPD-MNDH
Miembros del Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos – MNDH
Miembros de la Asociación Comunicación para el Arte y la Paz – COMUNICARTE
Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial – ECAP

El sábado 27 de enero, ECAP emitió un comunicado sobre intimidaciones que habían recibido en conexión del trabajo que realizan en Rabinal, Baja Verapaz.  Desde octubre del año pasado el equipo de ECAP ha sido victima de varias amenazas en persona, escritas y telefónicas por el trabajo psicosocial que realiza en las exhumaciones y con los sobrevivientes de la masacre de Plan de Sánchez. 

El viernes 2 de febrero, una llanta del vehículo de Otto Navarro, abogado trabajando en el área legal de CALDH, fue lacerada. Más tarde este día, José Roberto Morales, coordinador del área de Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas de CALDH salió de la oficina en un vehículo de la institución. Al llegar a su casa fue secuestrado por dos hombres armados. Lo dejaron en una colonia cercana, diciéndole que lo buscarían en su casa para matarlo si se activara la alarma del vehículo. Posteriormente, el vehículo fue encontrado intacto, con todas las sus pertenencias, incluyendo una computadora portátil de modelo reciente.

Entre el sábado 3 y el lunes 5 de febrero, las oficinas de UPD-MNDH, MNDH y COMUNICARTE fueron allanadas por personas desconocidas. Registraron los archivos, robaron 11 computadoras, sustrajeron el equipo de filmación de COMUNICARTE y dejaron excrementos humanos en la terraza. Mientras el personal de estas instituciones esperaba la llegada de las autoridades el 5 de febrero en la mañana, el ocupante de un vehículo rojo de marca Toyota Corolla, con placas particulares 654CLO los filmó mientras pasaba frente a ellos.

El lunes 5 de febrero, una nota fue dejada en el parabrisas del carro de Angélica González, abogada trabajando en el área legal de CALDH. La nota decía: "DEJA DE FASTIDIAR CON PROTECCION PROTEGETE VOS MISMA QUE NO ENTENDES CON TANTO AVISO DECILE AL PANCHO  QUE SE CUIDE […] Y LA MUJER QUE SIEMPRE ESTAN SOLOS SIEMPRE LOS VEMOS Y USTEDES ABOGANSTER DE MIERDA QUE SOLO DINERO QUIEREN BUSQUEN OTRO TRABAJO SINO UN DIA DE ESTOS SALDREMOS A ALMORSAR JUNTOS COMO SIEMPRE NOSOTROS INVITAMOS "ENTIENDEN HIJOS DE PUTA". Angélica González fue responsable de tramitar las solicitudes de medidas cautelares a favor del personal de ECAP y de José Roberto Morales ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos.

Todos estos hechos fueron denunciados al Ministerio Público.

Contexto

En una conferencia de prensa realizada el 6 de febrero, las organizaciones afectadas argumentaron que estos ataques podrían estar vinculados. El equipo jurídico de CALDH asesora legalmente a la Asociación para la Justicia y Reconciliación (AJR) en el caso presentado contra Efraín Ríos Montt y otros militares por genocidio. ECAP brinda acompañamiento psicosocial a sobrevivientes del genocidio, incluyendo a miembros de la AJR y otros testigos en casos de violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas por militares durante el conflicto armado. La UPD-MNDH lleva el registro de todos los casos de ataques a defensoras y defensores de derechos humanos. Está por emitir su informe para el año 2006 sobre la situación de defensores de derechos humanos e investiga casos de alto impacto, incluyendo el ataque continuado contra ECAP. COMUNICARTE se encontraba terminando documentales sobre los temas de Genocidio, la Masacre de las Dos Erres, y las mujeres del Ixcán.

El 7 de julio 2006, la Audiencia Nacional Española giró órdenes internacionales de arresto contra Ríos Montt, Mejía Victores, Chupina, García Arredondo y Benedicto Lucas García por genocidio, terrorismo, torturas y detenciones ilegales. El 7 de noviembre pasado, Guevara y Chupina fueron arrestados luego de que un tribunal guatemalteco diera trámite a una solicitud de extradición girada por la justicia española. Actualmente, los demás imputados permanecen libres. En declaraciones a la prensa, el presidente en funciones Eduardo Stein dijo: "los guatemaltecos que han cometido delitos en el territorio nacional deben ser juzgados en Guatemala." En su promoción del derecho a la justicia y a la verdad, defensoras/es de derechos humanos han sufrido ataques sistemáticos, incluyendo al menos 13 asesinatos, desde el año 2000.

En octubre del año pasado, la AJR solicitó al Ministerio Público (MP) que tramite ante el juez contralor del caso, Roberto Peñate, la primera declaración de Ríos Montt. Cuatro meses después tampoco se tiene una respuesta por parte de dichas autoridades. El 7 de febrero, CALDH y la AJR presentaron un memorial al juez contralor, señalando su discrepancia con el MP y solicitando que proceda a citar a Ríos Montt y lo acuse por el delito de genocidio cometido bajo su gobierno contra el pueblo Maya Ixil.

De ser vinculado al caso, Ríos Montt no podría concretar su intención de inscribirse como candidato al Congreso, adquiriendo así inmunidad parlamentaria. Las candidaturas para las elecciones generales que se celebrarán en septiembre de este año se recibirán a partir del 3 de mayo.

La Coordinación del Acompañamiento Internacional en Guatemala (CAIG), preocupada por el incremento en amenazas contra estas organizaciones, les solicita tomar acciones para garantizar su seguridad.

Acciones sugeridas

-    Solicite al Vicepresidente de Guatemala que se brinde protección a los integrantes de UPD-MNDH, COMUNICARTE, ECAP, CALDH, y MNDH tal como lo soliciten los interesados y que asegure la seguridad de las demás organizaciones y individuos que trabajan en el tema de genocidio e impunidad;
-    Solicite al Vicepresidente de Guatemala que se extraditen los imputados solicitados por la justicia española;
-    Solicite al Fiscal General la investigación inmediata de los ataques contra el equipo legal de CALDH y del allanamiento de las oficinas de la UPD-MNDH, MNDH y COMUNICARTE;
-    Solicite al Fiscal General una acción decidida del Ministerio Público en los casos penales por crímenes cometidos por las fuerzas de seguridad durante el conflicto armado.

Mandar sus llamamientos a:

Vicepresidente de la República
Sr. Eduardo Stein
Casa Presidencial, 6a. Avenida 4-19, Zona 1,
Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala
Fax: (502) 2253 0801 / 2238 0106
(Digan: "tono de fax, por favor")
Tratamiento: Estimado Sr. Vicepresidente
 
Lic. Juan Luis Florido
Fiscal General de la República y
Jefe del Ministerio Público
Edificio Ministerio Público
15 Avenida 15-16, Zona 1,
Barrio Gerona, 8vo. Nivel,
Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala
Fax: (502) 2411 9124/ 9326
Tratamiento: Estimado Sr. Fiscal General
 
Con copia a:

Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y
Acción Psicosocial -ECAP-
2a. Avenida 1-11, zona 3 Colonia Bran
Telefax: (502) 2232-1430 / 2253-6071
E-mail: ecap [at] itelgua.com y ecap [at] guate.net.gt

Centro para la Acción Legal en
Derechos Humanos
6ª. Avenida 1-71, zona 1
Ciudad de Guatemala
Fax: (502) 2230-3470
Correo-e: caldh [at] caldh.org
 
Unidad de Protección de Defensoras y
Defensores de Derechos Humanos
Movimiento Nacional de Derechos Humanos
1 Avenida 0-11, Zona 2, Colonia Lo de Bran,
Ciudad de Guatemala, Guatemala
Fax: (502) 2232 2651
(Digan: "tono de fax, por favor")
Correo-e: udefegua [at] yahoo.com

Coordinación del Acompañamiento Internacional en Guatemala: caig [at] riseup.net y a la representación diplomática de Guatemala acreditada en su país.