· In inauguration speech, Álvaro Colom vowes to take on poverty
· “Social democrat” cabinet includes business and financial interests
Álvaro Colom assumed the presidency on January 14. In his inaugural speech he called for a national dialogue to address the most grievous problems facing the country – poverty above all. But even though Colom has repeatedly defined his incipient government as a “socially democratic” one, his cabinet appointments indicate that the reality will be more complex. Alongside the many officials who are true “social democrats” will serve others who represent entrenched business and social interests.
Social Democrats and Others.
On January 14, Álvaro Colom was inaugurated as president. In the presence of leaders from across Latin America, and with the attention of all of
Six days earlier, on January 8, Colom announced the names of his new cabinet. He proclaimed that day that the “system is collapsed and inefficient.”
To combat this problem, Colom announced the creation of so-called “presidential secretaries for Specific Issues.” Leading them will be Francisco Bianchi. The cabinet itself will be headed by Hugo Rodas, the chief political strategist for UNE during the elections. Inter-institutional Relations will be headed by the old social democratic leader, Luis Zurita.
Although Colom initially announced that his cabinet would be composed of “Social Democrats,” in the end he appointed individuals from all over the political spectrum. And it seems that some cabinet members were not named for any particular ideological reason; many are simply aligned with certain business interests, while others financed Colom´s campaign.
For instance Luis Alejos, who was picked to serve as Minister of Roads, Infrastructure, and Residency, was the head finance of UNE´s electoral campaign and is closely linked to the medicine magnate Jack Irving Cohen, owner of the J.I. Cohen Agency, the biggest supplier of medicine to the state. One of Alejos´ cousins, Gustavo Alejos Cámbara, was named as the Personal Secretary of the President and is also closely linked with Cohen. Another cousin, Roberto Alejos Cámbara was elected as representative for the UNE.
The businessman Carlos Meany was named Minister of Energy and Mines. He is the owner of the wood company Maderas del Alto and the textile companies T exzibe,
The relatively unknown economist Ana Ordóñez de Molina was tapped to be the new Minister of Education. Colom said that he chose her because she headed up the educational section of the USAID project “Social Investment Dialogue.” In addition to her involvement with this project, which was very much driven by the private sector, De Molina was one of the founding members of the National Program for Self-Managed Education (PRONADE), a government program that gives money to parents to pay for their children's education. Colom vowed to abolish this program during his campaign because of alleged mishandling of funds. De Molina has said since her appointment, though, that she will not dismantle the program.
De Molina´s appointment is an obvious result of backroom negotiations with business leaders. It reveals how much pressure there was to maintain PRONADE, a program strongly backed by the Berger government and dominated by business interests. De Molina is also a graduate of the University of the Isthmus, which is highly influenced by Opus Dei, a religious group that had a great deal of influence in the Berger administration.
The teacher's union likely accepted De Molina´s appointment in exchange for the appointment of top educational experts to vice-ministries in the Ministry of Education. Chief among them is Olmedo España, a philosophy professor who designed UNE´s educational platform.
The case of Eusebio del Cid Peralta´s appointment as Ministry of Health is similar to that of De Molina´s. Although being a widely respected doctor, many health workers were against Del Cid Peralta´s appointment, because of his previous membership in the now defunct Movement of National Liberation (MLN). The MLN was as an extreme right wing political group that referred to itself as the “party of organized violence.” Del Cid Peralta is also a member of Opus Dei.
Carlos Vinicio Gómez Ruiz was named as Minister of the Interior. Gómez Ruiz, the Viceminister of Security under Óscar Berger, has been accused of altering the crime scene of Bishop Juan Gerardi´s murder. At the time of the murder, he was head of Criminal Investigations for the Attorney General, when Álvaro Árzu was president.
In all, of the 35 members of
Moreover, although Colom assured that his cabinet would include a fair share of women and indigenous people, he seems not to have followed through. In the entire cabinet there are four women (one minister, two directors, and one secretary) and only one indigenous person. He is Jerónimo Lancerio, the new minister of Culture and Sports. He served as secretary of Indigenous people in UNE, and is a businessman dedicated to exporting ornamental plants. He is also closely linked to the Topke-Rasch family – a family of coffee magnates, who have headed the National Coffee Association (ANACAFE) for several years and have strong links to the outgoing Berger administration.
The fact that Colom has reneged on his promise has already generated criticism. The indigenous rights group Defensoría Maya called for a boycott of Colom´s inaugural ceremony.
Positions that have been filled by “social democrats” are: the foreign ministry (Haroldo Rodas); the private Secretariat of the President (Ferndando Fuentes Mohr); the Ministry of Public Finance (Juan Alberto Fuentes Knight); the Ministry of Labor (Edgar Rodríguez); and the Secretary General of Planning and Programming (Óscar Figueria).
The Struggles Ahead.
Colom has said his government's priorities will be to fight poverty and inequality, and to create a civil security system that reduces the high crime rate. In this struggle, both the national and the international stages are relevant.
At the international level, Colom´s prospects look good: the FMLN is expected to win the presidency in
But the national stage looks different. For instance, Colom has announced that he will work to achieve a “fiscal pact,” but this may be seriously undermined by the fact that most businesses are extremely reluctant to pay taxes. The Extraordinary and Temporary Tax to Support the Peace Accords (IEETAP) have been extended by only one year. When they expire, it is not clear if any other tax will compensate for the loss. And of course, public finances are critical to any effort to reduce poverty.
Another key challenge is the degree of social conflict wrought by the Berger administration. This is especially true surrounding the issues of mining, oil extraction, and the construction of hydroelectric dams.
The fact that many communities have rejected multiple projects of these sorts may affect the political future of the government. In the cabinet, Colom has tried to bring some balance to the issues by naming the businessman Carlos Meany to the Ministry of Energy and Mines and the environmentalist and academic Luis Ferraté to the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (MARN).
If Colom continues in the tracks of Berger, MARN will have its work cut out for it. In fact, everything points in that direction: Colom is openly amenable to granting licenses for the extraction of metals and oil, and for the construction of hydroelectric dams.
This is from the English version of Inforpress Centroamericana and is by Luis Solano as translated by Matthew Brooke.
